I write this response as proud 25 year old South African living in Durban. I will acknowledge now that I am writing this letter from the ‘ivory tower’ that is the upper-middle class lifestyle that many white South Africans are fortunate to be living in. I do not believe, however, that my fortunate socio-economic status renders me any less qualified to comment on the state of our Nation than any other South African.

In 1994, to a 12 year old boy, the miracle taking place in our country was not something I was able to fully understand. Fortunately, with the support of my ex-Rhodesian parents, I came to understand just how important freedom was to the majority of South Africans and how unique the South African passage to democracy had been when compared with the Zimbabwe/Rhodesia example and, indeed, that of virtually every other African state.

I was proud: proud to be a part of the miracle; proud of our people and their willingness to work together for greater good; and in the early years that followed, proud of the achievements of the Government of National Unity and the new ANC-led government under Nelson Mandela.

Mr Mbeki was someone I was intensely proud of – he was a moderate and reasonable President, which, after the magic of Madiba, was what the young South African democracy needed. ‘Mr Delivery’ was going to see to it that the ANC did indeed create a better life for all by focusing on the delivery of basic services to the poor, growth in the economy and the creation of jobs.

Unfortunately, President Mbeki remains somebody who I was proud of. In time he showed himself to be consistently poor in his leadership of both Government and the ANC. South Africa can be thankful it got a centrist leader in Mbeki, but further than the political and economic stability such a leader provides, our President failed to deliver on his party’s promises to the people of South Africa.

ANC MP Kader Asmal, who will be retiring from Politics this year, was forthright about the risks involved in Government’s ever aggressive stance on transformation at a recent conference on racism: “People are being appointed who have no experience. We need to do an introspective evaluation of affirmative action. You can’t employ a tone deaf person to direct an orchestra or a brain surgeon who doesn’t know science.”

Minerals and Energy Minister, Buyelwa Sonjica, said in Parliament that “[the] government cannot give up its transformation targets in order to solve the energy crisis”. In 2001, Robert Mugabe led his government in Zimbabwe, in a grand manifestation of what I believe is the same sentiment expressed by Minister Sonjica, to seize white-owned commercial farms because land reform was more important that safeguarding the fundamentals of the Zimbabwean economy.

In that single campaign, Mugabe effectively whipped the rug from beneath the feet of the Zimbabwean economy and in the wake of the resultant crises, greatly reduced the means with which the Government could, if it wanted to, support the people of Zimbabwe – all in the name of the people.

In South Africa, the Land Bank is a key state institution in the drive to effect land reform and more importantly, the promotion of sustainable and economically productive activity in the agricultural sector. A forensic audit of the Land Bank, performed at the instruction of cabinet by Deloitte & Touche in 2007 brought to light the misappropriation of at least R20 billion worth of agricultural development funding in a stark example of the ANC Government’s wavering focus as cronyism and patronage politics take root. The credibility of the Land Bank came into question again at the end of the February 2008 when their auditors Ernst & Young indicated that unless the bank appointed senior officials with suitable qualifications it would terminate its relationship with the bank.

If one day the South African Government decided to answer the land reform question in a manner similar to what happened in Zimbabwe in 2001, would it be because of unwillingness on the part of white farmers to sell land that they, reasonably, feel they have claim to - quite possibly; but will it also be because the Department tasked with resolving this critical and sensitive issue was fraught with incompetence, mismanagement and corruption – most definitely.

Economic growth is the fundamental underpinning precursor to Government meeting its Millennium Development Goals by 2014, and electricity is fundamental to that growth. Indeed, the top 5 of the President’s list of Apex Priorities were related to “the further acceleration of our economic growth and development”, but without sufficient economic growth, accelerated transformation will serve only reduce the productivity of business and parastatals by replacing experience with inexperience.

‘Business Unusual’ is how the President describes the work ahead of the country over the next year. If the ANC was proud of the work it has been doing and impressed with the progress it has been making then, most certainly, they would be ordering more Business As Usual – but they are not. ‘Business Unusual’ means Government has realised it must greatly accelerate delivery on the promises it made when 69% of the people of South Africa voted for the ANC in 2004.

This year will be the fourteenth year that the people of South Africa have been waiting on the ANC to deliver on its many promises and indeed some promises made in the 1994 campaign have yet to be delivered upon. During President Mebki’s second term as President, we have seen conditions deteriorate in areas from food security to electricity and government accountability, health and education. All of these issues are considerably to the detriment of the millions of poor and understandably expectant South Africans who voted the ANC back into power in 2004.

South Africans in the middle to upper-class brackets are less materially affected by deteriorating social and economic conditions than their poorer and less fortunate compatriots, and are thus more likely to weather the economic storm. In January 2008, CPIX, which best represents inflation as it affects middle to upper-class South Africans, rose to 8.8% whereas CPI, which best represents lower income earners rose to 9.3%. Poor South Africans are bearing the brunt of the economic woes resulting from poor ANC government policy and even poorer policy implementation.

President Mbeki’s ‘Business Unusual’ address and its accompanying Apex Priorities thus, unsurprisingly, list, among the top fifteen projects (of 24 in total), six ‘Social Cluster’ projects aimed at shoring up the “War against Poverty”. I would suggest as plausible the assertion that the ANC is worried that a great many poor South Africans are tired of waiting for the ANC and their promises and that in 2009 voters will seek other political parties to champion their rights. The General Election next year will test this assertion and it is my sincere hope that the ANC meets with stiff competition.

Written for and in the interests of a free, open and prosperous South Africa served by a committed, open and accountable government.

Warwick Bruce Chapman

A friend mailed to to request some advice on whether or not her friend should stay in SA or not, being seriously concerned about crime since visiting South Africans living in Perth. Herewith my response:

I cannot argue on the point of crime. If someone feels that the (crime) risk of living in South Africa is not worth the general quality of life we have here, then that is something I feel other people should not interfere with. The way I feel about it, and I don’t expect other people to feel like this, is that South Africa needs people like you and I to be here and contribute if it is going to have any chance of sorting out its many problems - crime being the most critical of all. I am willing to risk, if in the wrong place at the wrong time, being a victim of crime if it means I get to live here with my friends and family and be part of what this country is fighting hard to become.

Crime to me is about vigilance - we need to know and respect the fact that it is a major problem in our society and learn to live with it. If it is something one cannot come to accept, then that person cannot stay in South Africa. If, however, you can accept that we are required to learn to live with crime - and all that implies - then I believe we can live a safe and happy life in South Africa.

What do I mean by learning to live with it - well, are you daydreaming at the robots at 2am, instead of being vigilant about what is around you? Are you aware of those two dodgy characters walking toward you - if you are, something as simple as stepping into a shopping centre might be all that’s required to scare them off. Are you careful not to be on the beach, concealed from view of everyone else at night, perhaps distracted by a friend or companion? These are simple things, but they can mean the difference between being a victim of crime and not.

Now let’s be clear that I do not for a second condone the crime situation in South Africa, but I do suggest that being as serious a problem as it is, we either need to accept it exists and learn to live with it - learn to be as safe and vigilant as possible - or, if we cannot or will not, then South Africa is not going to be worth it for you.

This is a question only you can answer and nobody can ever hold you to account for your choice. Is South Africa and being in South Africa the most important thing, or is the relative safety of another country with less of a crime problem than South Africa more important. You answer will decide whether you stay or whether you go.

Warwick

Note: I included a copy of Steuart Pennington’s words on truth:

These are my truths (Steuart Pennington)

I have received so many mails recently regarding our current crises.
They force me to reflect on my own truths, rather than argue the merits of who did what.

These are my truths:

I am acutely aware of Africa’s problems and find them hard to defend.
I wasn’t aware that in black languages there is no word for “maintenance”.
I become angry when I read of the fracas in SA Cricket over selection.
I cannot defend the Judge Hlope debacle.
I become extremely impatient when I witness the hopeless incompetence of some in positions of authority.
I recoil with anguish when I visit the crèche in Soweto (which I have adopted) and see the plight of those living in poverty.
I am ashamed when I visit black schools to see how little they have.
I hate it when my friends refer to my compatriots with racist epithets.
I hurt when people, particularly the media, run this country down.

I am optimistic about our future.
I am proud of what this country has achieved over the past 14 years despite the contrary predictions of many.
I am learning that Africa is beginning to change for the better.
I am aware that English does not have a word that embodies ubuntu.
I love the warmth of African people and their ability to forgive.
I believe in our president’s and our governments resolve to deliver “a better life for all”.
I am in awe of the thousands of South Africans who toil, unsung, to help the less fortunate.
I am hopeful that Africa will have a better 21st Century that the previous five.
I pray everyday that I will remain proud of my country and that my actions will contribute to building a great nation.

And finally, I hope my optimism is firmly rooted in the reality of our progress and the goodwill of our people.

I just recently got a mail from a buddy currently living on the grey, dreary, alcoholic and muddy island they call the United Kingdom:

“Im […] wanting to come back to SA permanently quite soon but I’m not so sure about it anymore with Zuma being voted in! What is your opinion? Do you think the country is going to go to ruins?”

I provide, for your interest, my response - and please note this is by no means a complete argument, but I thought it may be of interest to some:

Dude

Zuma has been voted in as president of the ANC. Mbeki remains President of the country and will be until 2009.

In order for Zuma to take over as President of South Africa (something which does not actually scare me that much), he has to be cleared of all criminal charges currently pending. He has fraud, corruption and racketeering charges laid against him and will be going to court in August 2008 to try clear his name.

The way I see it, if he is convicted of the above, then, well, he goes to prison. If he is cleared, then it is important because we would not want a State President with such a cloud over his head. Fact is Zuma is a popular, practical man. He’s a little stupid, but he knows he is no rocket scientist and to my mind that could well be a benefit - he’ll focus on what he can do and delegate the rest. This is certainly in line with everything I have read of the guy. I’ll tell you that I believe Zuma would do much more about the crime problem in South Africa than Mbeki has.

South Africa is not a Zimbabwe in the making and there are several reasons for this, but they are best explained in an article by a M&G journalist Jonty Fisher and my response (backing him up) to his position.

Take a look at my blog at http://www.warwickchapman.com/ and read: “M&G’s DG Report Summary” and “Response to the comments to Jonty Fisher’s ‘South Africa’s going the way of Zimbabwe’”. I would urge you to read as well Jonty Fisher’s original article at ThoughLeader, “South Africa’s going the way of Zimbabwe”

The long and the short of it goes like this. This is the 21st century - the world over wants Africa to work. There are enough examples over the past 50+ year of what NOT to do in an African country. Priority number 1 is not to let any one lead become a leader for life. Unlike Zimbabwe, we have a population united around the limitation that our State President can serve a maximum of two terms (5 years each) as stipulated in our Constitution. Nobody is marching and toyi-toying to have Mbeki run for a third term as State President. Aside from being wildly unpopular for protecting people like Selebi and Manto, this is why Mbeki cannot be State President beyond 2009.

Priority number 2 (or even more important that 1) is an independent judiciary. Ie. Are your judges free from political interference. Again, unlike Zimbabwe, this is still the case. So our courts are free to judge against Zuma without fear of recrimination.

The way I see it, the future of South Africa is like the potential for shark attack when swimming out at backline. We all know that the chances of getting killed on the way to the beach are much higher than that of being attacked by a Shark, but nonetheless, thanks to Jaws, Jaws II, Jaws 2849 (ie. Zimbabwe and other shockers), we have this graphic image in our minds of the horror of being attacked, even though we know the chances are next to nothing.

South Africa is the 18th (out of 200+) most attractive destination in the world for foreign direct investment (read my blog “Excerpts from Manuel’s Mid-term Budget Speech (Delivered yesterday)”), we’ve made massive progress over the past 14 years (even if it is hard to see from day to day). We’re not going to throw that all away. Even the most communist of communist idealists in South Africa cannot deny massive progress has been made since then…

Come home kid. Rather take part in what’s happening here than rot on that sad, grey, muddy-ass island wishing you were here in the sun and fun.

K, shooting to the beach for a swim.

Ciao, Warwick

[Update: I came back from the swim and sent him another mail]

“Ok, I made the swim without getting attacked by a shark. It is ok for you to come home now.”

Written in response to: http://allafrica.com/stories/200711230160.html

Mr Mavunga

I’m white. My family is ex-Rhodesian. I was born in South Africa just after your country won it’s independence. Many people very close to me fought in the same war as you and your compatriates fought, only, they fought on the other side. I am a passionate and committed South African. I don’t believe in white rule and I don’t believe in black rule. I believe in a rule of a people by its own people. Race is a concept Africa needs to free itself of before you or I will see peace and prosperity on this continent.

You’ve wasted an entire article berating Ian Smith, Basson and others in order to paint a picture of gross racism and disrespect of whites for blacks while at the same time painting a pretty picture of the ‘innocent’ ZANU and ZAPU participants in the struggle. Are you forgetting Viscount? Are you forgetting the terrible torture, maiming, murder and intimidation of your own people by your own guerillas? I am about as likely to believe your propaganda aimed at us racist whites as I am to believe those black on black and black on white atrocities did not happen.

Peter, the war is over. The war was over nearly 28 years ago. Forget Ian Smith, forget Wouter Basson… Zimbabwe has more important priorities than redressing suspected crimes from decades ago. You have an economic and political crisis in your country. Your people are suffering under worse oppression than they have ever experienced before - they’re poor and hungry. Further, they’re subject to a more and more powerful government every day.

Absolute power currupts absolutely. Mr Mugabe has destroyed the Zimbabwe that your ZANU and ZAPU compatriates fought so hard to win in the 60’s and 70’s. It’s time to be frank with yourself and see through the misinformation. Robert Mugabe has ruled your country for nearly 30 years. The AU stipulates 2 terms maximum. He’s three times over the limit. The man has systematically extended his grip on total power over the country and in the process whipped the rug from beneath your economy, exacted gross human right abuses against his own people and consistently denied the opposition the freedom they deserve to campaign for a better Zimbabwe for all Zimbabweans.

I want to tell you, Peter Mavunga, to put up your hand now and say ‘I want a new Zimbabwe… I want a Zimbabwe where democracy is the only absolute power… I want to stand up and fight for that new Zimbabwe!’, but I cannot. I cannot ask you to do such a thing because your President and his compatriates will have you silenced. What now Peter? What now?

The Mail&Guardian remains on of the most laudable publications in the South African media. M&G publish an annual report card for government departmental directors general (DGs) and today released the 2007 Directors General (DGs) Report Card. I have summarised the ratings below and highlighted some notable cases.

In summary, there are 14 DGs upgraded to or retaining a good rating, 2 who have been downgraded but retained a good rating and 9 who have been downgraded and have a poor to bugger off rating.  I regard as a good sign the four DGs who cannot be rated as they have not been in the job long enough - with any luck they have replaced someone who was not making the grade.

So, in my opinion, the above show progress is being made in ensuring that we weed out those DGs who are not getting results. Of great concern would be the 14 DGs who M&G rated as poor, and most especially the five of those who should be fired immediately. Let’s hope 2008’s rating card shows this figure decrease.

The rating card is as follows:

A: Take a bow. You are doing an excellent job.
B: Good, but room for improvement.
C: You’re OK, but that’s all we can say for you.
D: Get your act together.
E: Do yourself and the country a favour — resign.
F: You’re fired.

The following DG’s were upgraded or retained a good rating:

Education
Duncan Hindle
Grade: A (2006: A)

Foreign affairs
Ayanda Ntsaluba
Grade: A (2006: A)

Home affairs
Mavuso Msimang
Grade: A

Science and technology
Philip Mjwara
Grade: A (2006: B)

Treasury
Lesetja Kganyago
Grade: A (2006: A)

Presidency
Frank Chikane
Grade: A- (2006: B)

Environmental affairs and tourism
Pam Yako
Grade: B+ (2006: B+)

Social development
Vusi Madonsela
Grade: B+ (2006: D+)

Provincial and local government
Lindiwe Msengana-Ndlela
Grade: B (2006: B)

Trade and industry
Tshediso Matona
Grade: B (2006: C-)

Agriculture
Masiphula Mbongwa
Grade: B- (2006: C)

Intelligence
Manala Manzini
Grade: C+ (2006: C)

Labour
Vanguard Mkhosana
Grade: C (2006: E)

Minerals and energy
Sandile Nogxina
Grade: C (2006: E)

The following were downgraded by retained a good rating:

Public service and administration
Richard Levin
Grade: B (2006: A)

Housing
Itumeleng Kotsoane
Grade: C- (2006: C)

The following were downgraded or retained a poor rating:

Public enterprises
Portia Molefe
Grade: D (2006: B-)

Transport
Mpumi Mpofu
Grade: D (2006: B-)

Justice
Menzi Simelane
Grade: D- (2006: C-)

Defence
January Masilela
Grade: E (2006: C)

Communications
Lyndall Shope-Mafole
Grade: F (2006: E)

Health
Thami Mseleku
Grade: F (2006: F)

Safety and security
Jackie Selebi
Grade: F (2006: F)

Water affairs and forestry
Jabu Sindane
Grade: F (2006: C+)

Land affairs
Glen Thomas
Grade: Fired (2006: F)

The following are new and cannot be rated as yet:

Arts and culture
Thembinkosi Wakashe
Grade: Too early to tell

Correctional services
Vernie Petersen
Grade: Too early to tell

Public works
Manye Moroka
Grade: Too early to tell

Sport and recreation
Xoliswa Sibeko
Grade: Too early to tell

On delivery of social services:

“In 1996, just over half our people did not have water in their homes. Today, over 88 per cent of people have access to piped water. In 1996, only 64 per cent of our people lived in formal houses. Today, over 70 per cent enjoy this right. In almost every area of public service delivery, from access to schooling and health care to refuse removal, from electrification to access to computers, from roads and street lights to sport facilities, from telecommunication services to access to public transport – we can point to steady progress in living standards.”

On economic growth:

“South Africa is now entering the ninth year of the longest economic upswing since the national accounts have been recorded. National income has risen by 22 per cent per person since 1999, with increases across all income groups. Employment is rising faster than at any point since the 1960s. Fixed investment has increased sharply since 2002, by over 10 per cent a year.”

On being cautious with respect to the present global economic upswing:

“We need to welcome and take advantage of the opportunities of global growth, but we also need to distinguish temporary prosperity from structural progress; we need to ensure that windfall gains are wisely invested and surplus resources are set aside for when markets turn against us in times ahead.”

On this week’s Standard Bank equity deal with China’s ICBC:

“Last week’s announcement of a R37 billion investment by the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China in one of our leading banks indicates that international confidence in our economy is high, and perhaps also signals a new place for Africa in the changing patterns of trade and finance flows of the 21st century.”

Here’s to our boys in the Green and Gold.  Viva Amabhokobhoko! Viva!

A note to all those who criticise us optimists for our rose-tinted outlooks on life:

“A positive attitude may not solve all your problems, but it will annoy enough people to make it worth the effort” - Herm Albright

This is a response to Jonty Fisher’s ‘South Africa’s going the way of Zimbabwe’ posted on the Mail&Guardian’s ThoughLeader blogging paltform.

I have read with interest the article and most especially the comments over the past few days.

I understand these first comments are not directly related to the topic at hand, but in the context of the debate which has ensued since the article being published, I wish to make a few points.

I, like Jonty, am one of those optimist types and am often accused of being blinkered to the rest of the goings on in this country. I still believe, however, that reading the good news, recognising the positive progress where it exists and being generally optimistic about our future will do more for the country than outright negativity masqueraded as realism or pragmatism.

I’ve spent much time, energy and frustration trying to convince South Africans abroad that South Africa is worth being positive about. I have found that by-in-large the South Africans abroad that trash the country at braais, dinner parties and the like do so because of a need to justify their decision to leave South Africa.

We live in (legally) one of the free countries in the world. If someone feels like South Africa is not for them now, or too risky, or the economic interventions affect them too much, or crime is too much to deal or any other valid reasons, they are free to leave South Africa and venture abroad. Indeed, were it not for my business here in South Africa, I am sure I would’ve spent a few years here and there already myself.

Any South African choosing to leave South Africa, either temporarily or through emigration, should not feel they need to justify their decision by convincing themselves, as well as the people around them, that South Africa is a Zimbabwe in the making and that it is indeed a matter of time. Surely you can be a South African living abroad and still be PROUD of where you come from and of the positive progress being made back home. www.southafrica.info, www.sagoodnews.co.za, www.sarocks.co.za and the like will all give these people the information they need to be proud of the advancement everyday in this country.

Then to the not-so-good: we have a young baby of a democracy and a whole lot of growing up lies ahead of us. Right now we’re teething, and it hurts. The sagas around Selebi, Pikoli, Hlope, Manto and the like are all extremely difficult pills for us to swallow but these scandals are not insurmountable. Our media is still free and can (within the limitations of the law) ensure truth is demanded of those in the highest echelons of government. If the Sunday Times broke the law in getting the Health Minister’s Health Records, then, unfortunately, they need to be prosecuted. Nobody should be exempt from the law and the leadership challenge during this time of teething will be for President Mbeki to show us that nobody is immune from investigation and prosecution; not the editor of a national newspaper, not the Chief Justice, not the Minister of Health, not the Commissioner of Police and so on.

As to the topic at hand, both sides of my family tree arrived in South Africa with the 1820 settlers. Both sides then moved to Rhodesia and both sides returned to South Africa by the middle of the 80’s. It was clear to them then, only a few years into democracy, that the effects of the debilitating civil war coupled with the rushed and flawed Lancaster House Agreement which led to the farce that saw Robert Mugabe take power was a recipe for yet another African National Disaster.

No doubt when our time came CODESA, the GNU and indeed our own constitution all took into account the lessons learned in the rest of Africa. CODESA started negotiations in December 1991, the GNU took over national governance in 1994 and only in February 1997 when the constitution was finalized, was power handed directly to the ANC. The process of handing control of the country from the NP to the ANC took nearly five and a half years.

By comparison, Zimbabwe saw hostilities end with the signing of Lancaster House just before Christmas in 1979 and by April 1980 Robert Mugabe and ZANU-PF had control of the country.

Compare 5 months for Zimbabwe and 5 years for South Africa. We did it properly.

South Africa will not go the way of the rest of Africa. Zimbabwe is the quoted example at present because it is in such a shocking state right now. Have no misconceptions that most Africans states have not been where they are now. By-in-large, the rest of Africa have been to the lowest low and are now rebuilding. Zambia, Mozambique, Angola are regional examples. They are building their economies, attracting investors, focusing on agriculture (thanks in no small part to ex-Zimbabwean farmers), building competence as responsible democratic leaders and generally trying to ensure their countries move only forward.

South Africa cannot and will not go the way of the rest of Africa. We have enough examples to learn from, enough education, modernity and intelligence in our leadership and enough goodwill from our neighbours and the rest of the world to ensure we never forget what we’re working toward.

We live a miracle every day in this country, but like most things these days, that miracle is dynamic and changing. In 1994 the miracle was democracy without civil war, through the nineties it was Madiba and his capacity to reconcile and in the new millennium the miracle is the rapid progress and integration we see taking place every day in this country. We’re moving forward. We sing the national anthem like we don’t remember the old one. We get angry when some idiot pulls out the old flag. We have black South Africans in France supporting the Bokke alongside white. We have roads, water, electricity, telephones, clinics, houses and schools where there were never any before – the places white generally don’t go and thus progress whites aren’t seeing.

We have a long, long way to go and a very many challenges to deal with along that road. We will succeed and of that I am absolutely certain. How can I be so certain?

“All that is required for evil to prevail is for good men to do nothing.” — Edmund Burke

The very fact that every single one of us, whether living in South Africa or not, is engaged in this conversation right here is testament to the sheer volume of resource, goodwill and hope behind the desire to see South Africa succeed.

I thank you all for your passion for our wonderful country.

I received this email (in bold) as a forward from a member of my staff (he did not write it). He asked me what I thought of it. I share it and my response with you below.

You call me Whiteboy, Famma, Maboeroe, Lekoa, Whitey, Settler, White Trash and that’s OK.
Well, no it’s not OK. It’s racist.

But when I call you, nigger, Kaffir, piksteel, houtkop, muntu, or Gook, you call me a racist.
Not only is this racist as above, but it is made worse by the legacy and depth of meaning behind some of those words. Call me a “Settler” and I’ll probably dismiss that and mark you in my book as a racist. But when someone is called a Kaffir, I’m sorry to say, there is a whole lot more meaning behind that then calling me a Settler; there’s 300 years of white supremacy and mistreatment of blacks.

You say that whites committed a lot of violence against you, so why are the ghettos, townships and Africa the most dangerous places to live?
They are violent because of their history. Why is it that black townships exist? Historically there is a reason going back to migrant labour and keeping the ‘black workers’ away from the white suburbs. This is why we have Soweto, Alexandra outside Johannesburg; Umlazi, Kwa Mashu outside Durban and so on. If you treat people like a lesser species; ensure they are poor and downtrodden and put them all in the same place, you can be sure that place will be a violent one.

You have bursaries for previously disadvantaged.
Ok? And the problem here? They are previously disadvantaged and we need to try and redress the imbalances created by our past. This is one means of achieving that.

You have Freedom Day.
WE have Freedom Day. I am a white South African and Freedom Day means as much to me as to any other South African. Freedom Day celebrates the day we as South Africans chose a change of direction in order for all South Africans to share equally in our country.

You have Youth Day.
WE celebrate the youth and we’re not the only country to. We’ve just celebrated the 31st Anniversary of the Soweto uprising, and while we should never celebrate violence as a means to solving problems, we should be proud of the Youth of 1976 who stood firm and told the Apartheid government that they had had enough.

You have Thabo Mbeki.
We have Thabo Mbeki. He is our President. He might not be popular, nor is this unusual for a centrist, but he has been good for South Africa. We could have an extremist instead; we don’t, we have President Mbeki and I am proud of our President.

You have affirmative action.
The Apartheid government created the South Africa we inherited in 1994. This is obvious. What was that South Africa? It was a country:

• of whites who had been brought up and educated to believe that they were superior to blacks, and;
• of blacks who had been limited in education and training, brought up to treat whites as better than them, limited in the jobs they could do and where they could travel and the list goes on.

So, in 1994 South Africa became another African country to have white minority rule replaced with a democratically elected majority ruler. Remember the ANC is not a black-only party. It goes without saying that the mandate of the new government would be to build a new South Africa that heals the wounds created in the past.

One of those wounds was limited black advancement. Ignoring the differences between blacks, coloureds and Indians in the eyes of the previous government, whites were reserved the best jobs while, in general, non-whites were limited. This imbalance had to be addressed in the new South Africa and one method of doing this is to enact an Affirmative Action policy until such time as it is no longer needed.

I am not saying I agree with AA, but I am saying it, or something like it is a necessary evil; an evil necessitated by the actions of our previous government.

You have Black Economic Empowerment.
As an extension of what I have said above, and over-simplified, another necessary evil is our BEE policy which seeks to increase black ownership of our economy. Our economy is the largest in Africa and in 1994 was owned almost entirely by whites. I hope it goes without saying that this too needed to be fixed. Again, this does not mean that I agree with the policy or the way it has been implemented, but it is BEE and it is making blacks rich. The fact that it is making a few black very rich instead of helping many more blacks secure ownership in the economy is a matter of implementation and will be infinitely debated and debatable.

You have Employment equity.
Ok, and? Employment Equity seeks to ensure that all South Africans not only participate in the workplace, but meaningfully as well. So from a base which saw the workplace dominated by white males and then white females, EE will seek to ensure that non-whites, and in particular blacks, the disabled and women in general get to participate meaningfully in the workplace. What does this mean? This means women in management, blacks on boards of directors, the disabled given equal opportunities to secure work – I see no problem with this policy.

You have BCM, PAC and Azapo.
We have the WAWATS Movement (We are White and therefore Superior – yes I made that up), we had Verwoed and the National Party. Look where that got us. How could we, as whites, hold it against the downtrodden that they have organisation and movements fighting for their identity and for their rights as human beings. This is a moot point.

You have people singing “kill the Boer, the famma”.
There are also whites who still believe they are superior beings and who still believes blacks exist to serve them. They are few and far between (I hope), but they exist. So what? “Kill the Boer”, just like “Kaffir” is recognised hate speech in this country. You say either of those things to someone and you could go to jail.

If we had WET - (White Entertainment Television) we’d be racists.
I don’t see a Black Entertainment Television? What’s the point? Besides, we have, say MK89, which I am pretty sure has a viewership comprising mostly Afrikaners and some English-speaking whites and maybe a sprinkling of the rest. Is that racist? No. Would the creators of the channel every intend it to be white only? No.

If we had a White Pride Day you would call us racists.
I am not sure we have Black Pride Day in South Africa. May the person who wrote list load of horseshite copied this from somewhere else.

If we had white history month, we’d be racists.
Holy moly. This is getting terribly contrived as we near the end. I have a book, published in South Africa called White Africans and which focuses on the contributions whites have made to the continent and it’s development. It was not banned and I see no reason is celebrating the GOOD that has been done by whites in Africa and more particularly in South Africa, especially when discussed in the context of white supremacy and the ills of Apartheid regime.

If we had an organization for only whites to “advance” our lives, we’d be racists or white supremacists.
You’re damn right they would. Historically whites have been on top. By further advancing whites on the basis of their race alone does nothing more than take us back to the bullshit that got us here in the first place. AA, EE and BEE are all necessary to redress the imbalances created by Apartheid. Apartheid and this bullshit legacy South Africa has to get itself out of was created because whites focused on “advancing” themselves to the exclusion of others.

If we had a college fund that only gave white students scholarships, you know we’d be racists. There are 100% Black colleges and universities in SA, yet if there were “Afrikaans universities” that would be a racist college.
There are? Really? You mean there is a University in South Africa that would tell me as a white that I am barred from entry because I am white? This is news to me perhaps someone could enlighten me. In the case that someone can’t, I’d just like to say HORSESHIT!

In the Soweto March, you believed that you were marching for your race and rights. If we marched for our race and rights, you would call us racists.
In 1976 the Soweto youth marched for their (black) rights. That was totally acceptable in Apartheid South Africa. I marched for our rights on Saturday. Myself and, as it were, another 2000 people, mostly white. Nobody called us racists. If we had marched for our race on Saturday, I would have called us racists. Why? Because the South Africa we live in now affords all South Africans equal rights. (Don’t argue with me about BEE, EE and AA contradicting this).

You are proud to be black, and you’re not afraid to announce it. But when we announce our white pride, you call us racists.
I am proud to be a white South African. Who the hell could call me racist for saying that, and on what grounds?

You rob us, murder us, rape us, hi-jack us, and shoot at us. But, when a white man shoots a black man, murderer or burglar posing a threat to society, you call him a racist.
Wild generalisation, however, one can understand how in a country with a history of white on black brutality, of San being hunted for sport, of white police murdering black political foes, nobody wants to hope that when a white man shoots a black man that it was not racially motivated. Just because that happens does not mean it was a racist killing. Oh, and rapes, murders, hi-jacks and shootings happen on a black on black basis as well – just so you know. (Whoever you are)

I am proud. But, you call me a racist. Why is it that only whites can be racists?
Who said only whites can be racist? You?

There is nothing improper about this email. Let’s see which of you are proud enough to forward it !!!!
Everything is improper about this email. I most certainly will not forward it. Not at least without my comments attached.

Tomorrow the 12 day Public Service Workers’ Strike will be expanded by the addition of members of various other unions, either striking, or picketing during their free hour(s) of the day. The largest labour union in South Africa, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), will not be participating as it has not provided the requisite notice of 10 days. I have been informed, as reliably as one possibly can be, that our office cleaner will not be in tomorrow due to the participation of taxi-drivers in the strike tomorrow. This means that bus-drivers will in all probability also be off; they tend not to be a allowed to work by striking taxi-drivers. The 120000-strong South African Municipal Workers’ Union (SAMWU) has indicated that “none of the services provided by municipalities will be available”; whether this means they will be also be striking or just working to mean is to be seen.

So, tomorrow will in all likelihood be the largest strike action since the fall of Apartheid 13 years ago. I support the strikers’ constitutional right to strike but, unlike their Union leaders who “do not condone but cannot condemn” the acts of violence and the human cost of the strike, I cannot accept the violence, intimidation and indirect human cost of the strike. These strikers (of which, one is a close friend of mine) has reason to strike: they are paid a pittence! That reason, however desperate, does not constitute a license to engage in violent protest, nor does it mean that essential services should engage in the strike either. People have died in KwaZulu-Natal because of the reduced capacity of the emergency services and state hospitals; this is just not good enough.

My brother (Jason) and I drove to the state-run hospital in Kwadukuza (Stanger) on Sunday evening to drop of a cell-phone, food, water and blankets with our domestic servant who was in the maternity ward. We were met by police outside the gates of the hospital; that was good to know. The hospital, however, was next to empty. Jason and I were impressed with the hospital; it was clean, well put together and modern, but it was empty. We found Winnie in the maternity ward extremely uncomfortable and without much assistance. We felt helpless. We had checked with the local Private Alberlito hospital, but it said it was choc-full. There was one sister and one doctor on duty in the ward. They were heroes to me. The fact that they were there when everyone else had abandoned their patients, that was something special.

Tomorrow will be day 13 of the strike, and quite possibly the day which will define it and by which it will be remembered. I hope it will be remembered for the peaceful solidarity expressed by the strikers and their sympathetic supporters, but it might very well not be. Time will tell nonetheless.