Warwick Bruce Chapman

In response to the release of the DA’s Crooked Comrades Monitor, the ANC was quoted in the Mail and Guardian (“Tracking crooked comrades”, 8 October 2009) saying the DA was attempting to “tarnish the image” of the ANC. That comment made think that perhaps we also need to create a list of ANC Comrades with functioning deductive abilities.

I believe it is quite clear that one of our jobs as a political party is to show our opponents up when their actions and practice differ from their words and policies. This is an important component of the greater task of presenting our party as a capable alternative to that opponent. So, for example, when the ANC attempts to show the DA up by accusing us of being racist and then failing to back it up with facts, the DA, through the Crooked Comrades Monitor is not only accusing the ANC of accommodating criminality within its ranks but backing it up with facts.

In the same article, ANC spokesperson, Brian Sokutu said that the deployment of ANC comrades into public and private sector positions was not the business of the DA. Unfortunately on this point Mr Sokutu is wrong. The word public in reference to public sector jobs means appointments are everyone’s business since it is our money being spent, and unfortunately for the ANC, the DA is included in that “everyone”. The Crooked Comrades Monitor deals only with appointments in the public sector since President Zuma came to power on the back of promises to fight crime and corruption.

Were the ANC to attempt to build a similar list for the DA they would find that the Democratic Alliance has at the first hint of any suspicion of illegal activity, suspended membership of the person or terminated the relationship with the organisation involved pending full investigation.

The fact of the matter is that the ANC tolerates corruption and criminalism within its own ranks. How can a government stand up on a soap box and berate corruption as an evil of society, an enemy of the national democratic revolution and then at the same time allow this extent of complicity with corruption and criminalism to continue?

What South Africa needs is a clean, efficient and correctly resourced public service and representatives, and in order to feed the current climate of demand for service delivery, that should the single highest priority for the ruling party.

Note: This is an article produced for the DA West Durban Constituency Newsletter.

DA activists honour the legacy of Nelson Mandela by cleaning Crompton Park

Keeping parks clean, planting trees and providing safe spaces for people to rest and play is a priority of Warwick Chapman, the new DA councillor for Ward 18 (Westville North, Cowies Hill, & Pinetown CBD).

“Parks and other green spaces are important meeting, resting and social spaces and need to be properly maintained in order to ensure they contribute to rather than detract from the social fabric of the community,” says Chapman.

Crompton Park, on the corner of Sunnyside and Crompton Roads, is a green space that has been allowed to deteriorate. It is not uncommon for many illegal activities to happen there, including the trade in drugs and the sorting of stolen goods. The DA chose to clean up Crompton Park as one of its many activities in eThekwini Municipality to mark Mandela Day. This unique day, celebrated across the world to honour the humanitarian legacy of former President, Nelson Mandela, required individuals to contribute 67 minutes of their time to community service. More than twenty DA activists and public representatives gathered in Crompton Park and filled approximately 70 large refuse bags with litter from the park.

Other recent cleaning projects organised by Councillor Chapman include two cleanups in Lahee Park in June. This park moved from a veritable litter dump to clean and green, and the City Parks Department is committed to keeping it that way.

Residents can make a difference by encouraging one another to keep these spaces green and clean. “Crime loves dirt and grime, so let’s get cleaning and greening,” says Councillor Chapman.

In the event that someone needs to pay a traffic fine which has been issued in person in Howick, I happened to stumble across this information.

Fines can be paid into this bank account despite the fact the fine says only cheque or postal order is acceptable:

Magistrate Howick
FNB branch 220725
62016061187

Payment reference is the pink number in the top right hand of the page between the 50/ and the /2542
Fax payment confirmation to: 033 330 7155

Queries to Howick Court 033 330 2117

I have a call recording* (mp3) which I regard as being a wonderful example of good customer service from the public sector.  I got the number of the court from a friendly and efficient agent after calling the contact number of the uMngeni Municipality taken off their website (033 239 9200).

Please note that I edited the call recording to remove my fine’s reference number, some confirmations of details given and one or two “Um’s”.

Stuart Knight addressed the Westville CPF meeting which I attended last night as a result of crime happening on the N3. Stuart is a practical man with practical solutions. I’ve said before that Africa, and South Africa’s problems are not complex; they just require practical and implementable solutions which are actually put into practice.

While I don’t have a copy of Stuart’s address on hand, the message was clear. The police need as many eyes and ears as they can get; a CPF with 50 members is far less effective than a CPF with 3000 members spilling into multiple sub-forums.

Stuart was chair of the Town Hill CPF for 5 years and in that period they supplied the SAPS with all the intelligence they needed to virtually eradicate crime from their area. Stuart contends that Town Hill police officers arrest far more people these days for minor offences such as piddling in public or crossing the road when the man is red than for the serious crimes of the past.

Another point Stuart made was that CPF’s are not a forum to bemoan the service of the Police. If you have an issue with the performance of your Police station, you need to take that up in the Police service through the correct channels.  If you fail with that, go straight to the station commissioner and speak with them directly but if your intention is to run in there cursing and blinding then expect to be fobbed off.

Stuart’s address was refreshingly practical and possible. All of those people who are either victims of crime or don’t want to be should put a little time and energy into their CPF; feed a little intelligence to the Police; and be more caring toward those who have less than they do and the results may be beyond their wildest dreams.

Things you can do:
1. Attend your CPF meeting and take some people with you.
2. Put all the relevant emergency numbers on your cellphone, make sure you know 10111 and the number of your local SAPS office.
3. Report *anything* suspicious to the police:
3.1. Suspicious vehicles (make not of make, colour and plates)
3.2. Pedestrians with heavily laden bags (make note of clothing, build)
3.3. Any form of suspicious after hours activity
3.4. Crimes which suggest complicity of security companies
3.5. Make a note of the serial number of all expensive electronic equipment which could be stolen so it can be traced; without this pawn shops and dealers in stolen goods cannot be nailed

Most importantly, the number of people active in the CPF must grow. If you have 30000 residents in your area, you want 3000 members of your CPF and all its sub-forums. Those eyes and ears will feed the police with all the intelligence they need to stop crime in its tracks.

Contrary to popular belief, the ANC is not first and foremost a political party, but rather a liberation movement which has, since 1994, been attempting the near impossible task of transforming itself into a homogenous political party.

The ANC was established in 1912 as the South African Native National Congress (SANNC) to pursue the interests of the oppressed black South African population living under the laws and social constructs that came to be the most formalised racial discrimination in the world: Apartheid.  Between 1912 and 1994, the ANC defined itself around the singular challenge of securing a free and equal South Africa for all South Africans, regardless of their race.

During the 82 years between 1912 and 1994, the ANC gradually transformed from a pressure group into a militant liberation movement.  During those years the organisation utilised every conceivable form of campaigning, protests, passive resistance, international appeals and the like before eventually resorting to armed resistance in the 1980s.

The ANC’s membership comprised everyone willing and interested in a free and equal South Africa; anyone interested in the liberation of non-white South Africans from the injustices of the Apartheid regime.  The membership of the ANC was thus not as one might find in a traditional political party such as the Democratic Alliance – an organisation rooted in liberal politics, and thus comprising largely liberal thinking South Africans – but rather it was diverse in political ideology, ranging from communists to capitalists, all united under the banner of liberation.

When freedom came to South African in 1994, the ANC as a liberation movement achieved the goal which it had worked to secure for over 80 years, and thus began the transition from liberation movement to political party.  Since 1994 the ANC has struggled to unite ideologies within its ranks ranging from peaceful free market capitalism to militant communism, and the recent rift which saw the birth of another political party was the inevitable result. The ANC is rapidly maturing into a more leftist political party and is shedding much of the ideological baggage that its current leadership bloc no longer tolerates.

The split of the ANC spells the death of this liberation movement and sees the birth of one political party and the purification of another.  The ANC will finally have ideological purity, more left leaning than it has been since 1994; and the Congress of the People (COPE) will attract the more centrist and progressive members of the ANC.

These events will go some way to bringing clarity to the voter, letting them know exactly what the ANC is and what it stands for.  The voices of Jacob Zuma and Julius Malema, influenced as they are by their SACP and COSATU alliance partners, will no longer be tempered by moderate or liberal ANC leaders who have attempted to maintain the centrist image of the ANC.

COPE and a resurgent Democratic Alliance (DA) pose a significant threat to ANC dominance in post-independence South Africa.  COPE will appeal to a range of South Africans for a variety reasons from ethnicity, where it is perceived as being Xhosa aligned, to competence where it may be able to lay claim to having attracted more qualified and experienced leaders and politicians from the ANC and other parties.

The DA has a new leader in Helen Zille who is as yet untested in a major election, but if the results of the recent round of by-elections in South Africa are anything to go by (the DA won as many wards as the ANC, 11, followed by COPE with 10), then the DA should have a good showing in the April 2009 poll.  Helen Zille has proven herself able to connect and identify with the average South African and her prominent and effective mayorship of the City of Cape Town has won her many supporters, especially from the Coloured community.

Many prominent South Africans, most notably Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu, have expressed their dissatisfaction with the performance of the ANC government, especially with regard to pertinent issues such as the provision of basic services, housing, land reform and crime.  Tutu recently publicly expressed his intention to withhold his vote in the upcoming poll in what has become a clear example to other disenchanted ANC supporters that they can apply pressure on their party without actually voting against it.

In the two polls since 1994, the number of voters turning out for the ANC has dropped by an average of 1.5 million votes.  The ANC, however, managed to increase its winning margin due to the decrease of more than 3 million voters participating in the polls as a whole.  The notable exception to this trend has been the Democratic Alliance who, as the Democratic Party, secured only 1.73% in 1994 but won significant increases at each of the 1999 and 2004 polls.  Nearly six times as many people voted for the DA in 2004 than did for the DP in 1994, resulting in an over 7-fold increase in the percentage vote when compared with 1994.

Table 1: Comparison of Election Results since 1994

The emergence of COPE and its mobilisation of a significant proportion of ANC supporters, atop widespread dissatisfaction with the performance of the ANC, pose a very real threat to the ANC at the upcoming poll.  The Democratic Alliance’s recent by-election successes and increasingly popular leader also hint at the possibility of a significant increase in DA support in April.

Consider a scenario where the Democratic Alliance, with a revitalised brand and Helen Zille at the helm, manage to increase their support to 17.5% of the total vote by consolidating opposition support and winning over a small number of ANC voters; COPE secure 10%, largely from ANC voters but potentially also consolidating the opposition vote; and minority parties such as the IFP, UDM, ID, ACDP, FF+, MF manage to secure 15% (down from around 17% in 2004).

Such a scenario would leave the ANC with 57.5% of the vote and only 230 out of 400 seats in the National Assembly (down from 279 in 2004), revoking the constitutional majority held by the ANC since 2004.  Additionally, were the ANC to lose control of the Western Cape, the Northern Cape and possibly the Eastern Cape, this would result in the upper house of Parliament, the National Council of Provinces, becoming a more useful democratic institution than it is now.  Presently, the ANC controls all 9 provinces and the NCOP effectively rubber-stamps all resolutions sent through the house.

The changes in the South African political landscape since the recall of President Mbeki in late September last year have been numerous and significant.  The recall of the President on the basis of a court judgement that has since been set aside, alienated with finality many ANC supporters from the post-Polokwane leadership of the Party.  The decision created the precedent upon which the National Convention was called and held in Sandton and ultimately, The Congress of the People formed, all within less than 3 months of President Mbeki leaving office.

Democracy in South Africa will be strengthened in three significant regards as a result of these changes, making 2009 the most important year for South Africa since 1994.  First, and most importantly, ANC will find it extremely difficult to maintain more than two-thirds of the vote and will thus lose its constitutional majority.  Second, the emergence of COPE will add another opposition voice to the fray, greatly increasing the number of people who can oppose abuse of power or poor performance by the ANC. Third, the potential is created for COPE and DA to form coalitions to win provinces and municipalities and ultimately work closely together to form a united opposition – with a merger a real possibility within 10 or even 5 years of this election.

The election in April this year provides an opportunity for every South African to make their choice about the direction our democracy takes.  In the 15 years under the stewardship of the ANC the South African Government has failed to realise the potential this country holds to create prosperity for all.  Every South African must be encouraged to make their mark and get out and vote for CHANGE.